This post is the first step in a paper yet to be written – a paper which has its genesis in a largely unexplored issue arising from a PhD thesis.
Firstly, I should commence with a little background. The thesis Lawyer Approaches to Court-connected Mediation: A new case study explored the attitudes and behaviours of lawyers to the collaborative, problem-solving and constructive consensus-building models of justice which are the stuff of facilitative mediation theory. These models call for different skills from those which traditionally populated the menu of offerings in law school curricula and different from the training that many practicing lawyers would have received in their preparation for entry into the legal profession.
A question which arose early in the study is whether we are able, simply by introducing a new Civil Procedure Act 2005 (NSW) and its equivalent in other States, to bring about the sort of change required to effect more constructive ways of managing dispute resolution? This question is particularly relevant where the dispute is subject to litigation or where litigation is threatened and lawyers are involved. Issues of general practice, customs, habit and culture emerge. Happily, we can now look back with some satisfaction at the progress in legal education that we have made even over the last five years when there has been more emphasis on educating young lawyers in mediation and negotiation, and the Priestly 11 list of subjects for study by law students was amended in 2016 to include mediation as a component of civil dispute resolution. But it was not always thus and in 2015, the intention with this study was to undertake an empirical project that involved speaking to lawyers and mediators to establish how they think that lawyers are coping with the new demands of practicing law and map the expansion of ideas about justice in NSW from adversarial zealot to include broader notions of justice such as mediation.
Armed with Professor Julie Macfarlane’s “three core elements of legal professional identity” as a framework against which to measure lawyer behaviours, the study proceeded with all the usual problems which beset PhD candidates but otherwise very much as anticipated and with results that were not greatly surprising (even allowing for confirmation bias). Essentially the study found that lawyers generally are willing participants in mediation practice but that their approaches to mediation are circumscribed by poor understanding of mediation theory which results in unnecessarily competitive and adversarial behaviours in the mediation setting.
What was surprising and was something that did emerge quite forcefully from the data was the fact that the quality of lawyers’ engagement with court-connected mediation throughout NSW is far from homogenous and any assumption which may have been entertained about that issue was clearly dispelled by the evidence. The purpose of the present paper will be to revisit the data with a view to establishing any patterns of behaviour or other phenomena which would explain the differential in attitudes and perhaps to borrow from the literature of other disciplines such as anthropology (Kevin Avruch) and psychology (Nemeth and others) in an effort to understand whether any patterns which may be found to exist might be based on geographic or other socio-psychological phenomena.
A good starting point may be to examine the cross-disciplinary literature for evidence of any studies that would explain the divergence of attitudes and behaviours exhibited by lawyers in their responses to the reality of court-connected mediation. Interestingly, the two works initially consulted as a starting point in the enquiry, Professor Nemeth’s ‘No: The Power of Disagreement in a World that wants to get along’ (Atlantic Books, 2019),and Kevin Avruch’s ‘Context and Pretext in Conflict Resolution’ (Paradigm 2013) each commenced their work with the story of an aviation disaster where, in the case of each story, massive damage and loss of life resulted from poor communication between well experienced and professional pilots on the flight deck. In one case the pilots became so pre-occupied with resolving a malfunction with the landing gear that they failed to notice low fuel levels and, although they commented about it, they failed to address the problem and the aircraft crashed, killing ten people and injuring another twenty-three. In the other narrative an airliner crashed into the Potomac River shortly after taking off from Washington National Airport in circumstances where the captain repeatedly ignored warnings by the co-pilot that some of the instruments didn’t “seem right.” In both cases, the American National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) concluded that the accident occurred because of pilot error and the prevailing “authoritarian cockpit culture” by which the authority of the captain dominated decision making in the cockpit. In both cases it seems that cultural factors played a significant role in the events which unfolded. Professor Nemeth opines that, in the case of the problem landing gear, the consensus of silence and the culture of deference to the authority of the captain prevented the flight crew from focusing attention to the urgent problem that the aircraft was almost out of fuel. Similarly, in the Washington crash, Avruch concludes that the tragic outcome resulted from the flight crew’s catastrophic failure to overcome the authoritarian cockpit culture and alert the captain to the presence of the faulty de-icing problem. The NTSB report into the crash noted that its recommendations to break down the cockpit authority culture had also been taken up in other multi-actor, high-risk settings such as hospital operating theatres where the authority of the surgeon was akin to that of the “captain” of the operating team.

These were both dramatic examples of where culture mattered and had a direct impact on the lives of aircraft passengers and crew. Because of the obvious implications for the future safety of aircraft travel, real and tangible steps were taken to change cockpit culture so that the cultural problem could be resolved and no longer would the traditional practice of deference to rank prevail among the flight crew in the cockpit. In the present research it is argued that, whilst undoubtedly less dramatic, culture also matters in court-connected mediation and if the quality of mediation services is being compromised by poor attitudes and resort to adversarial behaviours, then we need to take further action to change culture so that the identification and search for parties’ interests will at last displace the lingering attachment to positional argument and an outcome consistent with what the court would order.
With the focus of culture now firmly under the microscope the research data takes on a new dimension. It becomes clear that not all lawyers are looking at dispute resolution options through the same lens or, as one research respondent remarked: “Lawyers are not lawyers.” The task ahead is to ascertain whether there are regional or other cultural factors which are acting as inhibitors to the success of court-connected mediations and to consider how those issues might be addressed. Hopefully, further progress will be reported soon.
The reality of the stressful nature of life in lockdown as a result of COVID-19 is that the quality of our communications and negotiations is under pressure. We need to harness our dispute resolution agency, and employ positive strategies and methods from the art of mediation, in order to ensure we do our best to prevent, manage and resolve disputes. We also need to practice self-management, for example by building our resilience skills, so that we protect our psychological well-being and ensure we have the right attitudes and energies for lockdown living.


Thank you: This series of posts was only possible through the collegial generosity of ADR Research Network members. Thank you to Professors Laurence Boulle and Nadja Alexander for very kindly allowing me to use and adapt Chapter 6 of their 


Understanding stress
Intentionally managing our stress in lockdown involves quite practical, common sense approaches and strategies around building our resilience. Resilience is a capacity to cope well under pressure, as well as an ability to respond and endure in situations of adversity. In other words, resilience skills help us to manage and prevent stress.

Simply put, emotional intelligence is the intelligent use of emotions. This requires an awareness of our emotions and an ability to use that awareness to beneficially aid our thinking and behaviour. Emotional intelligence informs our capacity to perceive emotions, assimilate emotion-related feelings, understand the information of those emotions, and manage them.
Emotional contagion is a psychological phenomenon that refers to the ‘catchability’ or contagiousness of emotions. For example, if Rachael is in a particularly happy mood, this mood may end up rubbing off on Anna and Anna may subsequently begin to feel happier. Anna might then ‘infect’ others with her happiness. Emotional contagion ‘refers to the tendency to catch (experience/express) another person’s emotions’ (Kimura, Daibo and Yogo, 2008, 27).
Emotional flooding occurs when an individual becomes swamped by emotions. Biologically, intense emotional experience can affect the way the brain works. Information exchange to the neo-cortex is inhibited, with the result that people find it difficult to think in cognitively complex ways and to function properly. This might sound like a really extreme and rare occurrence, but it actually happens to people surprisingly frequently.
The concepts of transference and countertransference have their origin in the work of Sigmund Freud and his focus on psychoanalysis/psychodynamic theory. Freud was a famous psychologist for many reasons, although when most people think about Freud, they often think about beards, couches, and unconscious and sexually repressed thoughts and behaviour. These images are all accurate to a certain degree. As it turns out, one of the reasons why Freud used ‘the couch’ when treating patients related to the notion of countertransference: ‘Freud frankly admitted that he used this arrangement inherited from the days of hypnosis, because he did not like “to be stared at”; thus, it served him as a protection in the transferencecountertransference duel’ (Benedek, 1953, 202).
The content of this post was adapted and reproduced from Rachael Field, James Duffy and Anna Huggins, 

A compelling illustration of these insights is provided in relation to the phenomenon of loss aversion, one of the cognitive biases previously identified by psychologists. When subjects undergoing brain-scanning are exposed to the single words ‘loss’ or ‘gain’ there are profound differences in the observed neural impacts – in broad terms the former term has an effect several orders of magnitude greater than the latter, in respect of both intensity and duration. In this instance the brain science reinforces orthodoxy long prevalent in mediation theory: parties who perceive they are facing a loss are likely to be risk-accepting and seek an outcome away from the mediation, but if they perceive a gain at the mediation table they are likely to be risk averse and favour settlement. Brain scanning provides corroboration and a deeper explanation for the phenomenon, founded on human survival instincts, which responds to threats more intensely than to rewards. While survival instincts arose originally in relation to physical threats, they are now also a product of perceived unfairness, undignified treatment, negative emotional experiences or unfulfilled expectations in the mediation room.
Another dimension of brain science derives from the organ’s bicameral structure. In 2017 Australian judges were addressed on the divided brain by an English psychiatrist, Ian McGilchrist, his work drawing on science, philosophy, literature and culture. He accentuated the significance of brain bicameralism in many aspects of human affairs and societal development – and by implication in dispute resolution activities. A more dated ‘left brain-right brain’ notion had been prevalent decades earlier, associating the left with attributes such as logic, language and analysis and the right with factors such as emotion, affect and art. This construct had in some respects been overtaken by work on the triune brain, and its implications, referred to above.
John Wade used the metaphor of the mediator’s tool-box of interventions, implying that mediators will not always be able to adopt standardised procedures and linear logic but may have to be reactive, responsive and instinctive in using different tools in the process. The National Mediator Accreditation System provides some guidance on mediator responsibilities in relation to conflict, negotiation and culture but this is of only limited proportions. Psychology and neuro-science are definitely new tools for the mediator’s tool-box.
In acting as an agent of reality, a key strategy to help the parties consider whether a settlement or solution is realistic and viable is to question them about what the proposed solution would look like in operation in the context of their lives outside mediation, helping them to cogently and realistically think through the risks, options and choices available to them.
Some of the content of this post was adapted and reproduced from Laurence Boulle and Nadja Alexander, Mediation Skills and Techniques (LexisNexis, 3rd ed, 2020) paras 6.57-6.58 with the kind permission of the authors. Thank you – Laurence and Nadja! Both Laurence and Nadja are esteemed members of the ADR Research Network and have long been leaders in the Australian and international dispute resolution communities. The post also includes content from Laurence Boulle and Rachael Field, Mediation in Australia (LexisNexis, 2018) 104-5.



Good summarising requires a range of micro-skills, such as retaining important information, recalling it and condensing it. It is always a selective process in that in a mediation, mediators pick up on positive progress to date and present it in a constructive and concise statement. It is also selective in that mediators pick up only on what is useful for the communications – not everything gets summarised. The reason why mediators are selective in enacting the summarising process is that selectivity allows them to create a positive and encouraging basis for the parties to move forward with their negotiations. However, summaries also need to be balanced in the sense that they deal fairly with what each side has said.
In a mediation, mediators ensure that paraphrasing is done in an even-handed way so that both the parties’ communications are paraphrased. In this way, it can be used to set up a pattern of direct communication between parties, and it can break what Australian mediation legends Ruth Charlton and Micheline Dewdney have called the ‘Oh but’, ‘Yes but’ pattern of communication: ‘Oh but I didn’t understand that’s what you wanted.’ ‘Yes but I had told you only two days before …’. ‘Oh but I called and texted you …’ ‘Yes but …’ (2014: 250). However, if this is the only way of keeping parties communicating constructively it can quickly become strained and artificial.
Generally, reiteration is one of the tools in the mediator’s toolbox which can be used in all situations in which parties are talking past each other and not picking up on important messages.
See also: Ruth Charlton and Micheline Dewdney, 



When mediators reframe, they are engaging in a translation exercise through which they change the communication by moving it from one type of language to another. The intention is that the second language version is more palatable to the parties and more conducive to collaborative problem-solving.